Thursday, 29 August 2013

Omotola's Stella Magazine full interview


Omotola's Sunday Telegraph's Stella Magazine feature is now online - written by Ben Arogundade. Find the full interview below...

Omosexy': The biggest film star you’ve never heard of

Omotola Jalade Ekeinde, aka 'Omosexy’, is the queen of Nollywood. She’s appeared in more than 300 films, pulls in 150 million viewers for her reality-television show and has been named one of the 100 most influential people in the world.

She scores a zero on the Hollywood Richter scale. She has never starred in a major motion picture. Her most recent film, Last Flight to Abuja, means nothing to devotees of Netflix and LoveFilm.
When she sat next to Steven Spielberg at a Time magazine dinner earlier this year he didn’t know her name. Yet Omotola Jalade Ekeinde was attending that dinner because, like him, she had been honoured in Time’s 2013 list of the 100 Most Influential People in the World.

Alongside Kate Middleton, Michelle Obama and BeyoncĂ©.The star of more than 300 films, Omotola – or “Omosexy”, as she is known to her legions of fans – is bigger across the African diaspora than Halle Berry.
Her reality-television show, Omotola: The Real Me, pulls in more viewers than Oprah’s and Tyra’s at their peak, combined, and she is the first African celebrity ever to amass more than one million Facebook “likes”.
When I meet her for the interview in a photographic studio in south-east London she is still recovering from getting mobbed by her Afro-Caribbean fan base in a nearby Tesco. “They practically had to shut down the store when people recognised me,” she says. “I actually got scared.”

Omotola is one of the biggest stars in Nollywood, the low-budget, high-output Nigerian film industry that churns out more English-language films than Hollywood or Bollywood (1,000-2,000 a year). Some have cinematic releases, but most are for the straight-to-video market.

When I watch her Stella photo-shoot from the sidelines it is immediately apparent that everything about her is BIG. Big body, big hair, big personality, big laugh: she comes across like Oprah’s sister.
She is here with her own film crew, who are recording for a future episode of her television show. Which means there is also a big, superstar delay – three hours – before our interview can start.
Many of her fans think her real name is “Omosexy”, she tells me, laughing, when we finally get to speak, but it was a nickname given to her by her husband, an airline pilot.

“He bought me a car back in 2009, and that was the plate number,” she recalls, speaking with kinetic, girlish excitement, rattling off sentences in fast, extended flurries.

"All my cars have special plate numbers, like Omotola 1.” When I ask how many cars she has, she laughs again, with embarrassment. “A few.” When she first saw her personalised licence plate she was horrified. “I thought, 'Oh no!’ It sounded cocky.

As if I was telling everybody, 'I’m sexy!’ Y’know-wha-I-mean?” She punctuates her sentences with this phrase, which she reels off as a single word.

The 35-year-old star has been acting since she was 16. Most recently she starred as Suzie, a passenger freshly spurned by her adulterous lover, in an aeroplane disaster movie, Last Flight to Abuja, which was the highest grossing film at the African box office last year.

Her breakthrough role came in 1995, in the Nollywood classic Mortal Inheritance, in which she played a sickle-cell patient fighting for her life. Since then she has established a staggering average of 16 films a year.

I put it to her that she must be the most prolific actress in the world. She laughs and shakes her head. “I am sure there are people who have beaten that record in Nigeria. Trust me.

It is easy to turn around with straight-to-video movies. It is the fashion to shoot until you drop, night and day. You have to remember that we are on very low budgets, so there is no time to wait.”
Nollywood began fewer than 20 years ago on the bustling streets of Lagos. Its pioneers were traders and bootleggers who started out selling copies of Hollywood films before graduating into producing their own titles as an inexpensive way to procure more content for a burgeoning market.

The traders finance the films (the average budget is £15,000-£30,000), then sell copies in bulk to local operators, who distribute them in markets, shops and street-corners for as little as £2 each.


The financial equation is problematic, with endemic piracy, issues over copyright and a lack of legally binding contracts.
Even so, what started as a ramshackle business is today worth an estimated £320 million a year, and rising. All this in a country that still lacks a reliable electricity supply.
What is the secret of Omotola’s appeal? “I don’t know,” she says, shrugging. “I wish someone would tell me! People can relate to me, I suppose. They feel as if they know me. A lot of my audience has grown up with me.”
At the same time, in a country that is heavily defined by religion and tradition, it helps that she is seen as a stable role model – a God-fearing woman who has been married to the same man for 17 years, and balances her work-life with bringing up four children.
Omotola Jalade Ekeinde was born into a middle-class family of strict Methodists in Lagos. Her father was the manager of the Lagos Country Club, while her mother worked for a local supermarket chain.
She has two younger brothers and was a tomboy, fiercely independent. “I used to scare boys from a very young age. They found me too much, because I knew what I wanted and I’d boss them around. In those days my mother would joke that I would never find a husband.”
As a child she was closest to her father. “He was a different kind of African man,” she recalls.
“He was very enlightened. He always asked me what I wanted, and encouraged me to speak up. He treated me like a boy.” He died in a car accident when Omotola was 12, while she was away at boarding-school.
“I didn’t grieve,” she says. “When I got home people were telling me that my mother had been crying for days, and that, as the eldest, I had to be strong for her and my brothers. I didn’t know what to do, so I just bottled everything up.
It affected me for many years afterwards. I was always very angry.”
Omotola would later play out her repressed grief on camera, using it as an emotional trigger to make herself cry whenever scripts called for it. But this soon created other problems.


Omotola and family 

 
“The director would shout, 'Cut!’ and I’d still be crying,” she recalls. “I could bring the tears, but I could not control them. In the end I had to stop using that technique.”
At the age of 16 Omotola met her future husband, Matthew Ekeinde, then 26, in church. He was so keen on her that the day after their first meeting he showed up at her house unannounced.
“He soon became a friend of the family. He was almost like a father figure,” she says. “He’d drop my brothers at school and stuff.”
Ekeinde proposed when Omotola was 18. Initially, Omotola’s mother thought her daughter too young to marry, and asked Matthew to wait, but he refused. “She was really shocked,” says Omotola.
“She said, 'If you want something badly enough you wait for it,’ but he said, 'If I want something I take it.’ He was very, very bold. It was one of the things I found fascinating about him.”
They had two wedding ceremonies, the second of which took place on a flight from Lagos to Benin. “He’s amazing. If I weren't married to him I couldn’t see myself with anybody else. I’m a handful.”
Ekeinde has become a reluctant poster boy for a new kind of African man.
“A lot of men come up to him and say, 'You’re a real man – I can’t believe how you deal with it all.’ He also gets a lot of invitations from various bodies to speak about how he copes as a modern Nigerian man in a relationship with a powerful working woman.”
Omotola’s ascent to the Nollywood elite began the same year she met Ekeinde. She was modelling at the time. One afternoon she tagged along with a model friend who was attending a film audition.
“She didn’t get the part, and she came out and was very sad,” says Omotola. “Then she said, 'Why don’t you go in and have a go?’
I said 'OK,’ and went in and got the part. My friend wasn’t happy. That was the end of our friendship.”
Omotola has somehow also found the time to release three albums. And then there is her charitable work. “First and foremost I actually consider myself a humanitarian,” she says proudly.

At the Time 100 Gala with Steven Spielberg and Daniel Day-Lewis 
 
She started in 2005, working with the United Nations as a World Food Programme ambassador. She now has her own foundation, the Omotola Youth Empowerment Programme.
“I have a lot of young people writing to me, feeling disillusioned. There’s so much injustice in Africa, and people’s lives being trampled on. The foundation was designed to give voice to these people.”
Her own voice has been greatly enhanced by the success of her reality-television show. It is the first show of its kind in Africa, watched by 150 million people across the continent. “
A lot of women say to me that I am their role model and example. They say, 'If Omotola can do it, I can do it.’ I also get a lot of fan letters from men that say, 'You are the reason I allow my wife to work, or pursue a career,’ because they see that I am married and that I am doing both.”
Omotola is now one of the most powerful people in what’s being called the “new Nollywood”, a fresh chapter for the industry, characterised by better scripts, improved production values and cinema rather than DVD-only releases.

But there are obstacles for the new Nollywood, not least the fact that Nigeria only has seven major cinemas, and that ticket prices are way beyond the reach of most citizens.
Nollywood’s biggest problem by far, however, is that its films – including Omotola’s – are still not very good. Theirs is a fuzzy, low-budget aesthetic in which histrionic acting combines with often ludicrous plot lines.
The films drown in melodrama, and many scenes are unintentionally comic. Production values and the rigours of plot and character development are dispensed with in the mad rush to complete and distribute.
It’s akin to half-cooking food to feed impatient mouths, and the results feel like first drafts. Nevertheless, African audiences don’t seem to care, as long as the films are cheap enough for a downtrodden public desperate for escapism, and they feature their own home-grown stars on screen.
So, what does the future hold for Omotola?
She recently made her American debut, in a television drama, Hit the Floor, opposite the R&B star Akon. Does she see her future as Nollywood or Hollywood?
“I’ll just go with the flow. We [in Nollywood] want to collaborate, we don’t want to leave. We are hoping to be the first film industry that will pull Hollywood in, instead of them pulling us out.”
This may not be such a crazy idea, as Hollywood sees the amounts invested in Nollywood, plus a potential audience of over one billion Africans (155 million in Nigeria alone).
Would she like to work with Spielberg? “Oh, please, let it be!” she says, clasping her hands together hopefully.
“Please! Everything happens for a reason.” I ask her if she took Spielberg’s number at that Time dinner. “Hello? I wouldn’t be African if I didn’t, now would I?”

Wednesday, 28 August 2013

Awww, Davido tweets about being single again...

Less than two weeks ago, Davido showed off his girlfriend, a girl named Funmi Aboderin (pictured with him above and right) on his instagram page...but it seems that relationship is over because he's now talking heartbreak and being single again. See his Tweets after the cut...



Koga 1 Night Stand to host Terry G, Samklef, Vector, Skales, others

It is the second edition of the year, and in readiness for the big show in December - Koga Top ten Mics, Koga Entertainment will on Saturday August 31, 2013 host some of Nigeria’s biggest acts to a live band show tagged “ One Night Stand with Samklef”.

The show will hold at the Event Hall Koga Studios, 2, Bolaji Street Oregun and fans will be treated to performances by Terry G, Samklef, Vector, Kay switch, Skales and Ketchup. Others include Jagz Nation’s Jesse Jagz, EME’s Shaydee, Bento Recordz Morell and Project Fame 2012 winner Ayoola.


“It promises to be a night of fun, all we have thrived to do is to ensure that every edition surpasses the previous one, and this month, we are glad to have come up with this line up for fans of live music” Project Manager Amaka Emerole says.

One night Stand is a Koga Entertainment initiative, which was created to fill the vacuum for fans of live music. Past editions have seen likes of Sir Shina Peters, Obesere, Dede Mabiaku, Sound Sultan, Normoreloss, Rugged Man and a host of others perform.

Davido's older brother Adewale Adeleke acquires brand new Porsche


Omo Baba Olowo = if you want a Porsche, you freaking get a Porsche. :-). Congrats to him!

IG of Police MD Abubakar set to remarry in September


According to a report by Sahara Reporters, Nigeria's Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar is getting ready to re-marry a year and a half after loosing his wife, Maryam Abubakar, to cancer. (Mrs Abubakar died in January 2012)

IG Abubakar will be engaging in a three-day wedding ritual to 35 year old Safiya (pictured above with him). Their wedding proper will take place on Saturday September 14th.

Sahara Reporters obtained a photo from a series of photos taken during a photo shoot in preparation for their grand wedding. Congrats to them.

Lagos Int’l Table Tennis Classics: Can Nigerians Win $9,000 Cash Prizes?

There is no doubt that the maiden  Lagos International Table Tennis Classics will be keenly contested going by the quality of players across the world taking part in the International Table Tennis Federation, ITTF, sanctioned championship.

The tournament, the first of its kind on the continent of Africa, has star prize money of $5,000 for the winner in the Men’s Singles, while the Women’s Singles will get the sum of $4,000.
Pundits in the ping pong game see this star prizes as a huge amount of money in a table tennis championship, not only in Africa,  even in the western world.
Playing in front of their home crowd will no doubt avoid Nigerian players the chances of showcasing their talent, especially the upcoming players, it will also give the established stars the chances of giving their best. But will this give them the opportunity of winning the dollar star prizes at the expense of the foreign counterparts who are in Lagos not only to enhance their rating on World rankings but win the prize monies as well.
•The air conditioned ultra modern table tennis hall where the ongoing Lagos International Table Tennis Classics is taking place
•The air conditioned ultra modern table tennis hall where the ongoing Lagos International Table Tennis Classics is taking place
Some of the foreign players are current Africa champion, Omar Assar, Italy’s Mihai Bobocica, Congo Brazzaville’s team led by Nigeria-born Saka Suraju
The Tournament Director, Olajide Oluranti who though as a technical officer of the championship did not want to comment on who wins the tourney, said that he believes in the capabilities of the local players to rise to the occasion when the needs arise.
“I’m close to many of the players and I also know that when it comes to big money like this, an average Nigerians would want to fight to the end to win it. So We have a lot of them who can win the star prizes. Segun Toriola is there, Aruna Quadri is equally good. Funke Oshonaike, Edem Offiong, Janet Effiom and Rasheedat Ogundele are also our good women who can rivals their foreign counterparts for the prize money.
“Among the junior players, we have Kazeem Makanjuola and a host of others who can spring surprises. What I know and I can stand by it is that  when the stake is high, our players are good to rise up to the pressure,” said Oluranti.
The Competition Manager, Mr. James Peter was so emphatic in giving Nigerian players good rating in the ongoing championship, saying pundits of the games should not underrate the Nigerian star, especially the established players among them.
“I don’t think players like Omar Assar will have an easy ride winning the tournament,” said the ITTF badge technical officer. “ I could remember that at the last All Africa Games where Assar went on to win the gold medal of the Men’s Singles to become the current African champion, our own Aruna Quadri won the bronze medal of the competition. The gap between Quadri and Assar is not too wide and the two players are here jostling for the star prize. So I think Quadri has advantage of playing in front of his countrymen and women which is a good edge. I don’t say this will intimidate Assar, but it will be a good plus for Quadri and his compatriots over other foreign players.
“However, I believe we’ll witness some upsets in this competition because Nigerian players have this going for them, they are capable of springing surprises when the least expected,” said Peters.
A confident Quadri, rules out the dominance of the foreigners, saying ranking does not matters in the game. He said: “I have played with the world’s best and one of the things I learnt from playing these players was that it is the person that claim the victory that will be rated high. So I don’t want Nigerian players to be scared of the ranking of the foreigners because seeding and raking do not win matches. So for me, I want to urge my compatriot to just give their best and ensure that they train hard in order to do well in the competition,” he said.
“That Egypt’s Assar and other top players are coming will not take the shine off some of us.  They are really not spectacular; it is just because they had the opportunity which most of us did not have. We have the potentials to be among the best in the world but the needed support and encouragement in terms of competitions and facilities are not just there. Players like Assar had featured in most of the big tournaments in the world, while some of us hardly attend such events. So it is going to be a tough competition for the foreigners and we will see the best in Nigerian players,” he said.
Apart from winning the dollar prize monies, upcoming players stand to gain a lot from the ongoing tournament. According to the Chairman of the Main Organising Committee of the competition, Mr. Wahid Enitan Oshodi, who said:  “We believe that organising this competition will help our players and expose them to other top players from other nations. We are hoping that it will be an annual event will help to improve the lot of the sport in the country.”
An excited President of African Table Tennis Federation, ATTF, Khaled El-Salhy, believes the staging of the tournament would give Nigeria the opportunity to host a major tournament in 2014.
“ITTF/ATTF is looking to organise a brand new event next year tagged “2014 ITTF-Africa Top 16 Cup” which should be in the second half of June 2014 as qualification for ITTF World Cups next year, and we believe it will be good to start this competition in Nigeria. As I am hoping for a successful 2013, as well as envisaging that the Lagos International Classics will be among the ITTF World Tour Calendar in 2014 and this is to prove to ITTF that Africa could host sanctioned events in a professional way.”

The Egyptian star was so excited with the organisation of the tournament and the enthusiasm of the Lagosians have for table tennis. he said “It is a very good experience for me to be in Nigeria because this is my first time. I like it so much because I admire the people as well as the organisation of the tournament and I wish also to come to Nigeria every year to perform.
“The prize money is fine but that is not the reason why we are here because we could find a very higher prize money tournament elsewhere. The reason is to be closer to the African people because we are African people. We have to communicate and be closer and I am excited that I will play the doubles and mixed-doubles with African and Nigerian players because they are my friends.”
In the words of Italy’s Mihai Bobocica, he said: “I am looking forward to going as far as possible maybe up to the final and playing with Assar, but I know it will be very difficult because Nigerian players are very strong.
“I would like to meet Assar because I know the Nigerian players are very strong, so first I must see them, if everything would be okay maybe then I can meet Assar in the final.
“I have played against some other Nigerian players but not against Segun Toriola and Aruna Quadri but against some other players like Michael Oyebode, who plays in Italy.
“For sure Aruna, Toriola and others will be threats but I don’t know them. I am sure that they are very dangerous because Nigerian players are very good with support from the fans will be helpful to them too.”

Igbo-Yoruba Affair: A Mistrust Carried Too Far

• Awo, Zik. Two political leaders from the two divide
There is a mistrust in the way the Igbo relate with their Yoruba compatriots. But analysts say the premises are faulty
The past 18 months or thereabout have yielded bountifully, elements that have inflamed tempers among the Igbo and Yoruba, as it usually plays out when members of the two major tribes have cause to discuss who did or did not do what in Nigeria’s pre- and post-independence era politics. This happens through street corner arguments, newspaper articles and even more significant nowadays, in online discussion forums. For one, there was the death, after months on sick bed, of Dim Chukuwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the leader of the defunct Biafra Republic in November 2011 which, as was expected, resulted in fresh debates about who played what role in the 30-month failed effort of the Igbos to pull out of Nigeria.
There was also the publication of There Was a Country, the last book of Nigerian and global literary icon, Chinua Achebe, followed by the death of the writer last March. And lately, there was the relocation of some indigent persons of South-East origin to Onitsha by Lagos State government, an act interpreted by some of their kith and kin as another demonstration of general hatred for the Igbo. At the height of one of such Igbos-Yoruba spats, a Kenyan, alarmed by the ease with which the two major tribes of southern Nigeria threw insults at each other on the basis of their ethnic affiliation, posted a picture of a dog and cat lying side by side on an online forum, urging the two groups to take a cue from the animals on peaceful coexistence.
The good thing, however, is that the seemingly age-long duels have so far been devoid of wielding and using cudgels, daggers and guns. But it has not been short in verbal assaults, with some of the participants seeming to compete in seeing who can do the most denigration of the other person’s tribe. Such spats, borne out of age-long rivalriy between the two groups for domination of Nigeria’s political and economic space, actually date back to pre-independence Nigeria.
Colonial Period
In his autobiography, A Measure of Grace, Professor Akin Mabogunje, the first Nigerian professor of Geography, recalled one of such rivalries that played out at the campus of Nigeria’s premier tertiary institution, University of Ibadan, in 1950, over the invitation of Nigeria’s first president, Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe. The Progressive Party which the Geography Professor served as Secretary had mandated him to invite the late nationalist, popularly known as Zik, for a lecture in the run-up to the introduction of the McPherson Constitution in 1951. The Constitution, for the first time, provided for election into the houses of assembly of the regions, rather than appointment of official representatives stipulated in the constitution it was replacing. The Students’ Progressive Party had actually invited Zik for a lecture designed to give further enlightenment on what the new constitution portended for the country. The Progressive Party had perfected the invitation and received assurances that the leader of the then Nigeria’s foremost political party, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons, NCNC, would be available for the lecture.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
But just as the Progressive Party members were getting ready to receive their august guest, they received information that not to be outdone, the Dynamic Party, with membership made up predominantly of the Igbo, did not like the idea of an Igbo leader coming to address a union of another ethnic group..
As recalled by Professor Mabogunje, the real drama played out on the day the NCNC leader arrived the university for the lecture. “As soon as the motorcade arrived, I went to the motorcade conveying Dr. Azikwe and introduced myself as the representative of the Students’ Progressive Party that had invited him to give lecture. An Igbo student representing the Dynamic Party jumped into the car and started talking to Dr. Azikwe in Igbo. Realising what was happening, Zik told him: ‘Speak the language the other person understands!’ Whereupon, he pushed him out of the car,” the Professor of Geography wrote in the book. The struggle for under whose banner Zik would deliver his lecture between the two students’ parties snowballed into a minor crisis necessitating the intervention of the university authorities. The lecture was eventually held under the auspices of the Students’ Union as advised by the University Warden, thus preventing the situation from ballooning into a full scale crisis. Of course, Zik also handled the situation with grace and impartiality.
However, in spite of such rivalry, the Igbo and Yoruba, to a great extent, were able to work together in the pre-independence era, especially in the fight to see the back of the British colonial rulers.
Herbert Macaulay, a detribalised Yoruba Lagosian, worked with Zik to establish the NCNC, regarded as Nigeria’s first truly national party because it was made up of many groups and associations across the country in 1944, for example. Macaulay was the party’s first president, while Zik served as the secretary. Despite the preponderance of other equally competent Lagosians in the party, Macaulay did not entertain any doubt handing over the leadership of the NCNC to Azikiwe on his death bed two years later. Zik spoke Yoruba with effortless grace and even gave his children Yoruba names to further demonstrate his affinity with the part of the country he lived in throughout his active years, economically and politically. On the other hand, Yoruba politicians like late Chiefs Theophilus Benson, Adeniran Ogunsanya, among others, also pitched their tent with Zik and remained in the camp of the Owelle of Onitsha in all their active years in politics.
In spite of such few bright spots, the mistrust between the Igbo and the Yoruba has endured over the years. Ironically, analysts situate the beginning of the enduring mistrust between the two tribes in the rivalry between late former Premier of the defunct Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Zik. Awo and Zik started off as members of Nigerian Youth Forum, regarded as the pre-eminent nationalist organisation of the period.
The two leaders, arguably, had their first major clash in the run-up to the 1941 election to fill a seat vacated by the late Sir Kofo Abayomi in the Lagos Legislative Council. In the election, Awolowo, an Ijebu, backed Ernest Ikoli, an Ijaw man; Zik threw his weight behind Samuel Akinsanya, the late Odemo of Isara, an Ijebu man. Many believed that Zik’s lack of support for Ikoli was an extension of the competition between the duo for control of newspaper business in which they were major stakeholders. Zik however resigned from the NYM with the claim that Akinsanya’s loss was due to a tribal gang-up by the Yoruba.
Many Igbo members of NYM accepted this explanation. Consequently, they also quit the party alongside Zik, who they regarded as their foremost leader in Lagos at the time. The outcome of 1951 Western regional assembly election in which Zik had contested on the platform of the NCNC with the aim of becoming the Premier of Western Nigeria further deepened the bitterness between the two tribes. Given the immense popularity enjoyed by the NCNC in the West and wide acceptance of Zik, the task was not a totally impossible one. But then, the NCNC had as opponent in the election the Action Group, established just a year before the election by Awolowo – who had by then become one of the prominent Nigerian political figures – and his associates. Awo, who had also by then become a lawyer, had returned to Nigeria in 1947 after his education at University of London to, in the words of Achebe, “found the once powerful political establishment of Western Nigeria – sidetracked by partisan and intra-ethnic squabbles”. The late writer observed that consequently, “Awolowo and close associates reunited his ancient Yoruba people with a powerful glue – resuscitated ethnic pride – and created a political party, the Action Group in 1951, from an amalgamation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, the Nigerian Produce Traders Association and a few other factions.”
Chief Obafemi Awolowo
Chief Obafemi Awolowo
During this period, Awo was accused of sending Zik away from the West. In a past interview with TheNEWS, Odia Ofeimun explained that Azikiwe’s West African Pilot reported after the 1951 parliament election in the West that Azikiwe’s party, the NCNC, had 25, the Action Group had 15 and Independents 40. Anybody who knew the Western Region, according to Ofeimun, knew there was something wonky with that way of presenting the results, because that particular election was run on the basis of very many ethnic organisations.
“People ran on the platform of Otuedo in the Benin-Delta area, Ibadan Peoples’ Party in Ibadan, Ondo Improvement League and so on and so forth. The only part of Nigeria where political parties existed properly was Lagos. NCNC swept all the five seats in Lagos. But it was because the NCNC swept all the five seats in Lagos, and journalism and communication was strong in Lagos, that almost all the Lagosians and, therefore, supposedly Nigerian public opinion, came to believe that Azikiwe won. The truth is that if you win in Lagos, you did not win in the Western Region,” Ofeimun added.
But that belief that Azikiwe won, in spite of what his own newspaper reported, became folklore. Odia continued: “And people forgot that among the 40 people, whom Azikiwe’s paper regarded as independents, were people who said they owed allegiance either to the NCNC or the Action Group. The Action Group was just being formed as a party and the NCNC was entering regional party politics for the first time. So you had these big political parties on which platforms candidates did not run because their people did not know them. So it was after the election that many of them were coming out.”
But something, according to him, happened. Before the election, the electoral officer insisted that the two political parties that were claiming candidates should bring a list of their candidates. Only the Action Group published a list of their candidates before the election. And it was on the basis of that list that the Action Group was claiming that it had won. So, because the NCNC apparently did not present a list, it could claim seats that it did not win. That was where the problem is.
And what was interesting is that Zik, as Odia put it, never stopped repeating it that he won, but that it was on the floor of the House that people cross-carpeted. No, it was not on the floor of the House.
Odia explained. Between November 1951 and January 1952, when the House actually met, where all the candidates belonged to had become well known and obvious. “But you know political parties never stop asserting strengths that they may not possess. So you had a situation where the newspapers were wrangling over who had moved to this side or who was moving to the other side,” Odia argued. Many of the candidates moving this way and that way, of course, were being lured by many things. Some of them, as he put it, had been members of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. Naturally, they were close to the organisation that Awolowo led. There were those who did not care about any ethnic organisation. The individual party members were simply looking for their own deal. The six members who came from the Ibadan People’s Party were shifting this way and that way, as the wind blew them. Most of the people who won on the platform of the individual parties wanted to know which of the two parties was likely to form a government.
Odia argued further:”Akinloye, after zigzagging, stood with the Action Group because the Action Group was particular about one thing: it wanted the brightest and the best. Akinloye had just come with a first class degree from Europe and, therefore, they wanted him at all costs. Awolowo just wanted the best in the place and offering Akinloye a job was one easy winner. And by the time Akinloye was offered a job, it was already clear that the Action Group had more seats in parliament than the NCNC.”
•Ojukwu: Led Biafra
•Ojukwu: Led Biafra
On the day the parliament actually met, Odia explained that the Action Group – and anybody who knows how Awolowo organises would understand that – moved to the House of Assembly as one team. They worked as one team, all of them brandishing Action Group plaques on their chest. Awolowo was their head; they followed him. When Awolowo got to the door and discovered that all the NCNC members were scattered all over the place, he said: “No, we shall not enter until they move to one side.”
The pattern in any serious parliament, as per the traditions of the House of Commons, is that parties stay on their side of the House. So, as Odia narrated, Awo insisted they must do so before they would enter. The traditional rulers came there and begged, saying: “Please, not in this new dispensation. Don’t let’s spoil it with rancour.” Awolowo never listened to such debates. He told them that until they moved, he and his men would not enter.
Awolowo’s chances of emerging the Premier of West with the regions becoming self-governing in 1952 was further boosted when elected members of Ibadan People’s Party, IPP, which was not affiliated to NCNC anyway, joined forces with AG members on the floor of the House.
“The IPP took its independent decision to join the Action Group to form the government in good conscience, based on the sentiment of the people they were elected to represent, and that is what republican democracy is all about,” Bari Salau, political consultant for Movement For Progressive Change In Nigeria, said in article he published in 2009 to commemorate what should have been the 100th year birthday of Awolowo. The late Chief Adisa Akinloye, a leader of IPP, actually said he led members of his party to join the AG which won the highest number of seats in the House when Zik refused to step down for a Yoruba man within the NCNC to be Premier of Western Region.
“What swelled the majority of the Action Group was not as a result of any ‘carpet-crossing’ from the NCNC to the AG but the declaration of support by most of the small parties for the AG,” noted S. Kadiri who challenged those who hold such opinion to publish the result of the election in an article published on a popular website. Kadiri further noted that even the charge that Awolowo had on ethnic grounds prevented Azikwe from leading the Western House of Assembly, the AG leader would have been acting in tune with principles enunciated by the leader of NCNC in an address to Igbo State Assembly at Aba on 25 June, 1949.
Zik had told his audience, as reported in compilation of his selected speeches published in 1961, that: “The keynote in this address is self determination for the Igbo. Let us establish an Ibo State, based on linguistic and ethnic factors, enabling us to take our place side by side with other linguistic and ethnic groups which make up Nigeria and the Cameroons.”
Chimamanda Adiche, award-winning author, had in an essay, “We Remember Differently”, published in November 2012 to celebrate Achebe’s clocking of 82 years, noted that Igbo children are raised on such anti-Awolowo staples. “I grew up hearing, from adults, versions of Achebe’s words about Awolowo. He was the man who prevented an Igbo man from leading the Western House of Assembly in the famous ‘carpet crossing’ incident of 1952.”
Even then, rather than stay in the Western House of Assembly as leader of opposition, Zik returned to the East to chase out and to take the position of the non-Igbo leader of the Eastern House of Assembly, Professor Eyo Ita, thus becoming guilty of the same accusation his supporters charged the AG leader with. An action which, according to Achebe, “compounded his betrayal of principle by precipitating a major crisis which was unnecessary, selfish and severely damaging in its consequences”.
Post-Independence Era
The rivalry between Zik and Awo persisted till the post-independence era, though there was a thaw when the duo worked together – AG-NCNC alliance which crystallised into the formation of United Progressive Grand Alliance, UPGA.
•Achebe: Accused Awolowo of genocide
•Achebe: Accused Awolowo of genocide
However, the interpretation of events of the Nigerian Civil War and Awo’s role in it has been another major cause of distrust between the two major Nigerian tribes. Adichie, in the article quoted above, listed the other crimes of the late AG leader, as related by Igbo parents to their children till today, to include “He (Awo) was the man who betrayed Igbo people when he failed on his alleged promise to follow Biafra’s lead and pull the Western Region out of Nigeria.” She quoted an unnamed uncle telling her that Awo “made Igbo people poor because he never liked us.” This was because at the end of the war, every Igbo person who had a bank account in Nigeria was given £20, no matter how much they had in their accounts before the war, an act which Chimamanda herself said she has always regarded as “livid injustice”. Many Igbo regarded Awolowo, who was the finance minister during the civil war, as the architect of this policy.
Achebe also averred in his last book that Awolowo had during the war deliberately initiated schemes to starve the Igbo, with the aim of eventually killing them and reducing the voting population of the group for his own political end, thereby committing genocide. The writer said Awolowo based this policy on a statement “credited” to him that, “…All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don’t see why we should feed our enemies fat in order for them to fight harder.”
Former Minister of Aviation, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode however described such claims as just one part of the story.
The bitter truth, according to him, is that “If anyone is to be blamed for the hundreds of thousands of Igbo that died from starvation during the civil war, it was not Chief Awolowo or even General Yakubu Gowon but rather, it was Col. Odumegwu-Ojukwu.” The former minister recalled that the Federal Government had asked Ojukwu to open a road corridor for supply of food to the civilian population during the war as part of a deal that was brokered by the international community, but the Biafran leader turned down the offer. Instead, Ojukwu had insisted that the food should be flown into Biafra by air in the night, a demand that was unacceptable to Federal Government out of fear that such night flights could be used to smuggle arms and ammunition for use of rebel soldiers: “That was where the problem came from and that was the issue. Apart from that, Ojukwu found it expedient and convenient to allow his people starve to death and to broadcast it on television screens all over the world in order to attract sympathy for the Igbo cause and for propaganda purposes.
“This, however, worked beautifully for him,” said Fani-Kayode.
A secret United States dispatch made public recently supported these assertions. In the dispatch, it was noted that disagreement on the form of transportation to be adopted for supply of food to hundreds of thousands of starving Biafrans between Gowon and Ojukwu, were the chief reasons for hunger that claimed the lives of many in the rebel territory. It was specifically stated in the cable that Gowon stopped air shipments of food to the rebel territory at the height of the civil war in 1968 despite pressure from the United States and the Red Cross, because of fears that the transport airplanes were being used to supply arms to Biafra. While Gowon was willing to allow land shipment, the Biafran rejected it with claims that the food might be poisoned, and that such route would be corridor for federal soldiers.
Awolowo himself was confronted with the same charges in a radio interview during his electioneering campaign as the presidential candidate of Unity Party of Nigeria in 1983. According to him, the decision to change the currency which many Igbos said was aimed at preventing Ojukwu from using money looted from the Central Bank of Nigeria branches in Benin, Port Harcourt and Calabar by rebel soldiers to buy arms abroad: “We discovered he looted our Central bank in Benin, he looted the one in Port Harcourt, looted the one in Calabar and he was taking the currency notes abroad to sell to earn foreign exchange to buy arms.” He also said the policy to limit withdrawals to £20 was because depositors could not show proof of what they had as deposits, as Biafran soldiers burnt bank documents during their raids on the banks. While reiterating that he was a friend of the Igbo, Awolowo recalled that he saved the accrued revenue for the East Central State during the period the war lasted and gave it back to them at the rate of £990,000 as monthly subventions.
The late sage also said he ensured that the houses owned by the Igbo in Lagos and in the other parts of the country not affected by the war were kept for them: “I had an estate agent friend who told me that one of them collected half a million pounds rent which has been kept for him. All his rent were collected, but since we didn’t seize their houses, he came back and collected half a million pounds.” Segun Adeniyi, Chairman, Editorial Board of ThisDay newspapers, actually recounted the instance of Reverend Moses Iloh in his column titled “Memories of Biafran Nightmares” published in January this year. The reverend gentleman not only met his property as he left it, he also received help from friends like the late Ambassador Segun Olusola to kick off a new lease of life in Lagos. Adeniyi recalled in the column that Iloh told him how Olusola and another Yoruba friend, Dapo Gbalajobi, helped him with funds that enabled him participate in buying a company when the indigenisation policy was introduced, an act which eventually made him a very wealthy man.
“I remember a friend’s uncle in Lagos who collected and saved up the rent on two houses belonging to his Igbo colleague who had been forced to flee as a result of the war. When he came back three years later, after the war, haggard and mercilessly dispossessed and his colleague handed over his bank account, he was frozen with gratitude,” Professor Niyi Osundare also recalled in an interview published in The Guardian.
Though there may be few exceptions, the situation in the West was far better than in Port Harcourt where, in the guise of abandoned property, the indigenes proceeded in taking over the property of the Igbo at the inception of the war. Ironically, Senator David Mark who presided over the abandoned property saga as an army officer in Port Harcourt, has not come under serious attacks over his role in the civil war from the Igbo as had Awo. Analysts wondered why the supposed sin of one man is attached to his people.
The Igbo had also accused the Yorubas of betrayal. The allegation is that the Yoruba reneged on the promise of declaring an independent Oduduwa Republic in response to the declaration of Biafra. The late sage, claim those who hold this view, said this at a meeting between him and Yoruba leaders in May, 1967.
But in a recent interview with this magazine, Professor Ropo Sekoni recalled the exact words of Awolowo on the issue: ‘By act of commission or omission, if the East left, that the West would follow suit.’ In other words, the Professor said while interpreting the statement, said what Awo implied was that ‘circumstance that allowed the East to go might also push the West out.’ He added that the statement can also be interpreted to mean ‘Look, let us make sure that they don’t go.’ In addition, the fact that the AG leader led a delegation of Western and Mid-Western leaders to Enugu on 6 May 1967, to dissuade Ojukwu from seceding, as has been recounted in many accounts of the war, indicated that Awolowo was not ready for the potentially bloody adventure.
Second Republic
In the Second Republic, the then National Peoples Party, NPP, led by Zik, and Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN, led by Awo, had also mooted the idea of working together in the 1983 elections but the arrangement did not eventually work out.
The Deportation Saga And The Status of Lagos
The latest act that brought the distrust genie out of the bottle was the relocation of some Igbo destitute from Lagos. Lagos State government said the relocation was part of its programme of taking homeless people, beggars and urchins from the streets. It added that a large number of “area boys” who are mostly Lagos Island indigenes have been taken off the streets by its Kick Against Indiscipline, KAI Brigade, while it has also sent over 3,000 of such destitute individuals back to states in northern and south-western Nigeria.
The state also said it transported the destitute persons, whose number it put at 14, to Onitsha after the Anambra State government refused to respond to its letter urging it to prepare to receive them. Lagos State government claimed that states like Akwa Ibom and Katsina had made proper logistic arrangements to receive destitute individuals it relocated to their states in the past.
But this explanation was not acceptable to many Igbo, who accused the Lagos State governor of driving Igbo people out of Lagos through “brazen deportations and repatriations”. Former Abia governor, Orji Uzor Kalu, soon weighed in, accusing the Lagos State governor of working against the Igbo who contributed 55 per cent to the economy of Lagos. He also declared that Lagos was a no-man’s land, a view that received the support of some Igbo.
“In today’s world, cosmopolitan cities like Lagos are located in a specific place but usually transcend primordial ownership criteria,” said Chidi Amuta in an article published on the ThisDay issue on 13 August.
However, this logic was challenged by C. Don Adinuba, a public commentator of South-east origin. In his words: “There are so many investments in Lagos because Lagos has for long welcomed the Igbo people, enabling Ndigbo to prosper in Lagos more than in any other state. And no governor in Nigeria’s history has demonstrated as much affection to our people as Fashola. Commonsense dictates we protect in a strategic manner the interests of our people and reciprocate the friendship of well-meaning individuals and groups.”
He concluded that if the Yoruba hated Igbo, the Igbo would not be thriving in Lagos.
According to a US based academic, Dr. Wale Adebanwi, in a paper, “The City, Hegemory and Ethno-spathal Politics: The Press and The Struggle for Lagos in Colonial Nigeria,” agitation against Lagos started in the colonial period when there were plans to relocate the seat of Colonial government to Mount Pattle behind Lokoja [Kaduna or Abuja now].
However, the Governor General, Sir High Clifford, in his address to the Nigerian Council on 29 December 1919, argued for the retention of Lagos as headquarters for commercial reasons. But Adebanwi added: “Clifford was also concerned about the government moving far away from the articulation of dissent,” and that the colonial government ” would suffer in its execution if it moved away from critical appraisal that was evident in Lagos… Where activities of critical elements are exposed to the closest scrutiny and criticism.”
In fact, Adebanwi quoted H.O Davis as saying that Lagos contained “the genius of the country.” Adebanwi added that the matter was raised in the 1940s and 1950s.
The fight over Lagos also involved the media, especially Zik’s West African pilot and Daily Service. Adebanwi, apart from the origin of Lagos, traces the fresh clash over Lagos to the advent of Zik. Before that, Lagos was inhabited by what he describes as “closed aristocracy of the Yoruba and Yorubalised Creoles.” They were Yoruba or Creole families who, apart from Ernest Ikoli, an Ijaw, controlled the press.
The war between the Yoruba went deeper. As Adebanwi writes: “Azikiwe had earlier protested the domination of Lagos politics by the Yoruba who were also discriminating against non-Yoruba, particularly in the area of housing but his presidency of the Ibo state Union did not help matters. He had said while addressing his ibo constituents that it would appear that God of Africa had created the Igbo nation to lead the children of Africa from the bondate of ages.”
The conflict, as Adebanwi posits, ran deeper with the creation of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. In fact, a member of the Egbe, Oluwole Alakija wrote: “We were bundled together by the British who named us Nigeria. We never knew the Ibos, but since we came to know them, we have tried to be friendly and neighbourly. Then came [Zik] to sow the seeds of distrust and hatred.”
At a point, Zik’s NCNC argued that Lagos be separated as a federal capital from the rest of the West, “while the Action Group, led by Awolowo, rooted for the retention/merger of Lagos with the Yoruba West.” Zik held this opinion “for the sake of unit.”
When the Macpherson Constitution merged Lagos with Western Region, Zik’s pilot argued that it had “given us a country without a capital.” The newspaper fought the Macpherson constitution until, as Adebanwi put it, ” it way abandoned.
When the war became hot, the Service in 1953 wrote that the Yoruba “are not compelling the whole country to make Lagos their capital. But at least, it is the duty of the Governor to make it clear that the only alternative to the present situation of Lagos is for the people of Nigeria to buy a piece of land and establish on it a federal capital independent of the three regions.”
General Ibrahim Babangida fulfilled that when he moved the seat of government to Abuja!
An analyst of Igbo origin who resides in Lagos but declined to be named, reminded everyone that if the Yoruba hated the Igbo, would Lt.Col. Adekunle Fajuyi have defended to the death, his supreme commander and guest, General Aguiyi-Ironsi, who was assassinated during the July 1966 counter coup. “How come this has not been a major plank of this debate? Fajuyi’s wife, Eunice, recently died in Ado-Ekiti, how many Igbo leaders went there?”
Analysts believe that, given the long history of intermarriages between the two tribes, with many prominent Igbo men like Chief Emeka Anyaoku and Professor Chukwuemeka Ike married to Yoruba women and vice versa, the rivalry should by now be a thing of the past.

Anambra election: PDP dumps Andy Uba, picks Nwoye

The national secretariat of Nigeria’s Peoples Democratic Party, PDP on Monday put a dampener on the gubernatorial ambition of former presidential aide, Senator Andy Uba as it said its candidate for the 16 November Anambra governorship election is Tony Nwoye.
Nwoye and Uba emerged as candidates at parallel congresses of the party presided over by rival claimants for the position of chairman of Anambra chapter of PDP in Awka, the Anambra State capital last Saturday.
But while receiving the report of the party’s electoral panel chaired by Governor Ibrahim Shema of Katsina in Abuja on Monday, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, PDD national chairman said the party will recognise the primary which produced Nwoye.
Andy Uba: dumped by PDP
Andy Uba: dumped by PDP
The panel headed by the Katsina State Governor presided over the primary won by Mr. Nwoye.
The primary won by Mr. Uba, was conducted by the parallel chairman of the Anambra chapter of the PDP, Ejike Oguebeo.
Oguebeo is recognised as the Chairman of Anambra PDP by Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC.
On the other hand, Ken Emeakayi who presided over the primary which produced Nwoye is the chairman of Anambra PDP recognised by the national secretariat.
Tukur said all members of the party are expected to fully support Nwoye, a former President of National Association of Nigerian Students, NANS to win the forthcoming

Lagos cancels Lekki-Epe Expressway concession


Lekki-Epe Expressway
Controversy surrounding the management of the Lekki-Epe Expressway took a new turn on Tuesday as the Lagos State Government announced the termination of its concession agreement with the Lekki Concession Company.
Already, the state House of Assembly has approved a supplementary budget of N7.5bn to enable the government to fund the acquisition of the existing concession right of the expressway.
The LCC was mandated under a 30-year Build, Operate and Transfer agreement to upgrade, expand and maintain the about 50-kilometre road (Phase I), and construct another 20km of coastal road (Phase II) along the Lekki corridor.
But the firm and the state government came under severe attacks when they introduced what the residents considered as high tolls on the road in 2011 after significant progress was made in the first phase.
The decision of the state government to terminate the concession agreement, it was learnt, followed the lawmakers’ approval of the supplementary budget, which gave it the right to acquire the existing concession rights and toll revenue benefits held by the concessionaire.
Governor Babatunde Fashola had in a supplementary budget proposal letter to the state House of Assembly dated August 19, 2013, requested it to amend this year’s budget owing to unforeseen developments in terms of the state’s internally generated revenue.
Fashola had said, “The proposal for further amendment is largely predicated on the need to fund the acquisition of the existing concession, right and toll revenue benefit held by the Lekki Concession Company, the concessionaire for the Eti-Osa-Lekki-Epe Expressway. This will effectively accelerate the transfer of ownership of the road to the state, leaving the state with wider policy options with regards to that important infrastructure.
“In order to address these issues, we have proposed a two-prong approach namely: re-ordering some expenditure provisions and also directing supplementation of the year 2013 budget. This will entail an increase in the overall budget size by N7.5bn. This is against the background of a projected shortfall of N22.5bn in budgeted internally generated revenues, which now need to be covered by the additional borrowings.”
The Assembly gave its approval to the request on Tuesday in a proposal read on the floor by the Clerk, Mr. Ganiyu Abiru.
The commissioners for Budget and Economic Planning, Mr. Ben Akabueze; Finance, Mr. Ayo Gbeleyi; and Works and Infrastructure, Mr. Obafemi Hamzat, were at the House to defend the proposal.
Following the latest amendment, the revised budget has thus increased from N499.6bn to N507.105bn.
Users of the expanded road have had to part with different amounts, depending on their class of vehicles. The amounts rage from N50 for motorcycles to N120 for saloon cars and tricycles; N150 for Sports Utility Vehicles, minibuses and pick-up trucks; N80 for commercial mini-buses; and N250 and N350 for light trucks and heavy trucks, and buses with two or more heavy axles, respectively.
Fees are currently being collected at the first toll point called the Admiralty Plaza.
The Conservation Plaza was built about 10km away from the first tolling point bewteeen the Chevron Drive and Oluwanisola Estate, but the collection of tolls has not started.
A human rights lawyer, Mr. Ebun Olu-Adegboruwa, took the matter to court to stop the LCC and the state government from enforcing the toll collection until the 10km alternative route was constructed for those that might not use the road.
Calls and text messages to the mobile phone number of the Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Mr. Lateef Ibirogba, were ignored; while the Special Adviser on Media to the Governor, Mr. Hakeem Bello, said he had yet to get the details and promised to call back when he did, but never got back.
Calls put through to officials of LCC were unanswered, while text messages sent to them were not responded to.

Desperation for Europe: 10 Nigerians, 68 others rescued from sinking boat

The Maltese military on Tuesday rescued 10 Nigerians and 71 other African migrants from a large dinghy that was adrift and sinking some 18 nautical miles from the island, the police said.
The AFP reported that the migrants, who had alerted the authorities by satellite phone, were transferred onto a Maltese patrol boat in rough seas and taken into port.
A Maltese military spokesman earlier said that 84 people had been rescued but this number turned out to be inaccurate when they were registered on land.
File Photo: A Malta Air Force handout photo dated 15 August 2009 shows would-be illegal immigrants are taken to Malta after being rescued from a sinking dinghy.
File Photo: A Malta Air Force handout photo dated 15 August 2009 shows would-be illegal immigrants are taken to Malta after being rescued from a sinking dinghy.
The 81 included seven women and three children.
Sixty-four said they were Eritrean, along with 10 from Nigeria, three from Ghana, two from Cameroon and two from Syria.
Most of the arrivals in Malta are African refugees and migrant workers who cross the Mediterranean from Libya.
This was the first migrant landing in Malta in weeks.
In July, more than 1,000 migrants arrived in a few days, prompting the government to pressure the European Union for assistance.

Iyanya signs $350k endorsement deal with Zinox (Computers) Group

Iyanya is chopping endorsement deals anyhow. First MTN, now Zinox Group. The Kukere crooner yesterday signed a three hundred and fifty thousand dollars one year endorsement deal with Zinox Computers. Zinox computers, which is Nigeria’s first certified branded computers, will upload all Iyanya's songs and videos to all their computers. Iyanya will also do a song for them and appear on Zinox billboards and TV commercials.

Iyanya got some of the endorsement deal money in cash yesterday and displayed it on his Instagram page. See Iyanya and his money after the cut...



President Jonathan fires Youth Minister, Inuwa Abdulkadir


The Minister of Youth Development, Inuwa Abdulkadir was fired yesterday Monday August 26th. The termination of the appointment of the lawyer and ex-Attorney - General and Commissioner of Justice in Sokoto state was announced in a statement released to the Media by the Secretary to the Federal Government, Anyim Pius Anyim in Abuja yesterday.

The reason for his sack was not made known but I hope the next Youth Minister appointed will be someone who will actively engage the youths of this country like the minister who handed over to Abdulkadir did. Never heard of this one...

Omotola Jalade Ekeinde on the cover of UK magazine, Stella


Nollywood diva Omotola on the cover of the new edition of Stella magazine, UK. All hail the queen

Chris Brown and Karrueche Tran cuddle up on the beach in Hawaii


Sorry Rihanna but this dude seems really happy with Karrueche Tran. The on-again couple were photographed on the beach in Hawaii yesterday looking pleased to be in each other's company as Chris filmed his latest music video. Despite other ladies being on set, Chris was said to only have eyes for Karrueche and rushed to her side whenever he took a break.

 


Photos from Hon. Makinde and Oyebanke Oyelami's white wedding

Hon. Rotimi Makinde, representing the Ife Federal Constituency in the lower House of the National Assembly, married his beauty queen bride, Miss Osun State 2012 Oyebanke Oyelami on Saturday August 24th at Miccom Golf Hotel and Resort in Ada, Osun state. More pics after the cut...